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Citate din gândirea profundă a europeiştilor RO
Călin Popescu-Tăriceanu, 2008: "Vom da astăzi, în Parlamentul României, un vot istoric - votul pentru ratificarea Tratatului de reformă al Uniunii Europene. Pentru România este mai mult decât un moment festiv. Ratificarea Tratatului de reformă marchează o etapă. Spun acest lucru din două motive. Pe de o parte, este o primă etapă pe care noi am parcurs-o în cadrul Uniunii Europene, după aderarea de la 1 ianuarie 2007. Am avut şansa să contribuim la negocierea şi la construirea acestui Tratat, beneficiind de aceleaşi drepturi şi având aceleaşi obligaţii ca oricare altă ţară europeană. Este cel dintâi tratat european semnat de România, în calitate de stat membru al Uniunii Europene. Simbolic, este primul document al Europei extinse, negociat şi semnat în format UE 27. Pentru toate aceste motive, odată cu ratificarea de către Parlament, putem spune că este cel dintâi tratat european pe care România îşi pune efectiv amprenta, conform intereselor sale, nemaifiind în postura de a prelua ceea ce au negociat şi au decis alţii. Doamnelor şi domnilor senatori şi deputaţi, în urmă cu trei ani, prin votul dumneavoastră, România a ratificat Tratatul constituţional ["Constituţia UE", caducă], odată cu ratificarea Tratatului de aderare la Uniunea Europeană. Aşa cum ştiţi, Tratatul constituţional nu a putut intra în vigoare. Din fericire, aşa cum noi am susţinut în timpul negocierilor, inovaţiile din acest document au fost preluate în Tratatul de la Lisabona. Aceste inovaţii sunt un pas înainte faţă de tratatele europene în vigoare acum."
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Gorbachev’s New World Order
Mikhail Gorbachev was in Lafayette College (Easton, PA) on October 19, touting the need for a new internationalism. Speaking to a crowd of 3600 in the Allan P. Kirby Field House, Gorbachev openly linked himself with Pope John Paul II while calling for “a system of global governance.”
“Pope John Paul II, whom I regarded as my friend – we were very close – once said, ‘We need a new world order, one that is more stable, more humane, and more just.’ He said it best; no one has been able to improve on that characterization of a new world order. But we still are facing the problem of building such a world order.
"We have crises: we are facing problems of the environment, of backwardness and poverty, of food shortages. All of these problems are because we do not have a system of global governance. We are living in a global world. The political prerequisites for a global world do exist, they have been created. But we were not ready and we still have to learn to live in a global world. This is the No. 1 problem, and a lot depends on how countries like the United States will act, how Europe will behave, how Russia will behave.”12
In a Lafayette College follow-up story, aptly titled “Mikhail Gorbachev Says Uprisings Signal an Emerging New World Order,” his global vision was connected to the Occupy Wall Street movement - primarily in the sense that “America needs its own perestroika.”13
Interestingly, the former Soviet leader framed much of his lecture in an historical Cold War context, reminiscing about Ronald Reagan and their first Summit. He also talked about Soviet perestroika, glasnost, and the results of the 19th Party Conference. Speaking about this All-Union Conference, Gorbachev told the crowd that freedom was its chief goal.
“We proclaimed the movement toward freedom of speech and freedom of religion and freedom of political choice - all freedoms. People must be free... We also decided that, in effect, we would change the entire system and build a system for a free country, a system of political democracy...”14
The majority of Lafayette College students were probably not yet born at the time of this groundbreaking meeting, as the 19th All-Union Conference of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union took place from June 28 to July 1, 1988. Nevertheless, Gorbachev’s talk of global governance, the quest for freedom, and the need for world change must have been like candy to their ears: Perestroika (“restructuring”), glasnost (“openness”), and a new world order - “global governance.” Now it’s America’s turn to participate.
Having a grasp of the 19th CPSU Conference is helpful in understanding what this “new world order” is about. This, however, requires some examination of the preparatory texts, speeches, and resolutions that comprised the 19th Conference. Yes, market choice was explored - probably the largest factor in the Conference - and “freedom” was discussed, but in a rather closed sense. In preparing for this Conference, the Soviet leader put “freedom” into perspective during a May 11, 1988 speech.
“We need new approaches, new methods, new discoveries in asserting perestroika. Let us recall Lenin’s words: Do not try to resolve new problems by old methods...Hence we must conduct the quest for new methods...
...Therefore I repeat that we should grasp Lenin’s concept of socialist society in orderto apply it creatively, taking into account our present conditions...
...with the economic, intellectual and cultural potential accumulated over seven decades of our history, we should implement a contemporary model of society ensuring for all its members civilized living standards and multiform opportunities to meet spiritual and cultural needs, the freedom of choice and expression of opinions. But all of this should be implemented in the framework of our socialist choice, in the framework of our socialist democracy and morals. This society will inevitably be more multi-layer, but it will remain socialist and it will not forgo the principles of social justice, comradeship and internationalism in the slightest. Why do I mention this? Generally speaking, our entire society is for socialism...”15
More socialism, more democracy, more Leninism, more internationalism; more change. As another Soviet leader explained during the run up to the 19th Conference, “Yes, the drawing together of nations is a long dialectical process...”16
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